Well, my friends, the suspension of Greek  democracy appears to be complete. When Papanderou was forced out, to be replaced by a government of national unity. I remarked:

Greece’s multi-party democracy has in effect been supplanted by one party – The Austerity Party. The political elites have, in effect, formed a cartel. Greece’s major parties imagine that they can force through the huge austerity package without facing the wrath of the electorate – just as long as they all in on the game

But even a few days ago, I did not grasp quite how far the shelving of democracy would go. I imagined that, at the very least, the National Unity government would be made of people whose parties had actually won some votes at election time, and who were planning to stand for office again. Not so. Meet Greece’s new Prime Minister, Lucas Papademos, former Vice-President of the European central bank.

“I am not a politician” he announced yesterday. Well no, he certainly isn’t. Politicians are people who have to do a whole lot of dreary things, like making themselves known to the  public, winning their confidence and standing in elections. Papademos, by contrast, has never stood for public office. He has assumed his position purely on the strength of his career in banking, and in particular his connection – via the ECB – with Europe’s political and financial establishment.

Neither does he intend to stand for office in the future. His sole function will be to ensure that Greece impoverishes its citizens enough that it can keep the interest payments flowing to Europe’s major banks. He will preside over the most important political and economic decisions that have faced Greece since the 1970s. And will be to do so without worrying a jot about the opinions of those who will have to live with his decisions – i.e. the people of Greece.

For Papademos, this is probably a fine way to cap to his grand career. He better just hope that he doesn’t find himself on the wrong end of a revolution. After all, the only democracy that exists in Greece today is on the streets of Athens.

To contact Reuben email reuben@thethirdestate.net

A week can be a long time in the debasement of politics. Just last Sunday, Prime Minister Papandreou appeared to salvage a smidgeon of honor for his government, when he announced that the Greek people would be given a referendum on the austerity-bailout package. For two years the Greek people have struggled with mounting pain yielding only negative gain – as repeated austerity programmes, and Greece’s continued membership of an over-valued Euro, conspired to stymie growth, and hence the country’s ability to pay back its debts. Now the people would get a chance to decide whether they wanted to continue down the same path.

Papandreou said some fine words about “patriotism” and “democracy”. Yet it soon became apparent that he saw the referendum not simply as a means of giving people the say, but also as a means of evading political responsibility. A few days later he announced that he would scrap the referendum plan, if the opposition agreed to support the bailout and carry it out with him. Both this proposal, and the proposal for a referendum, served a similar function – namely to ensure that he and his party would not be held responsible for the decisions they made.

Nonetheless, he had brought the demos a little too close for comfort. Papandreou was humiliated at the G20 by the presidents of Europe’s creditor nations. The European bureaucracy swung into action, and bankers – knowing that the bailout-austerity deal was vital to protect their assets – announced that the referendum proposal wouldn’t fly.

This evening Papandreou’s premiership is no more. He has been forced out and his premiership will be replaced by a “government of national unity” which carry through the bailout. Greece’s multi-party democracy has in effect been supplanted by one party – The Austerity Party. The political elites have, in effect, formed a cartel. Greece’s major parties imagine that they can force through the huge austerity package without facing the wrath of the electorate – just as long as they all in on the game. The direct democracy of a referendum was shelved, and now representative democracy – the system by which politicians take decisions and are held to account on election day – has been short circuited.

While Greece represents the most extreme end of the European situation, the pushing aside of democracy, at this moment of crisis, is undoubtedly a Europe-wide phenonemon. All 16 of the Eurozone countries are busily preparing to sign a Fiscal Stability pact. Under its terms, crucial, and deeply political decisions about taxation and spending will be taken out of the control of elected national parliaments and hived off to an unelected European bureaucracy. Apparently this is necessary for “stability”. It is no exaggeration to say that what we are witnessing is the biggest diminution of democratic power in Europe since the 1930s.

To contact Reuben email reuben@thethirdestate.net

Egemen Bagis

Guest post by Christos Loutradis

Yesterday, Egemen Bagis, Turkey’s chief EU negotiator, gave a speech in Greece on strengthening ties between the former rivals, Turkey’s EU candidacy and how to resolve the thorny issue of Cyprus. Press-Gr’s Christos Loutradis reports for The Third Estate

It was a speech of lifting taboos. Egemen Bagis, chief EU negotiator and Turkish Minister of State, spoke for the first time to a Greek audience in a lecture that was organised by the International Centre for Black Sea Studies. The audience comprised the political, academic and diplomatic elite of Greece and the rest of the world. From the Government side, the Member of Parliament Michalis Katrinis, from the previous Government of New Democracy, the ex deputy minister of Foreign Affairs Giannis Valinakis, and Giorgos Dendias, a personal friend of Egemen Bagis and the former minister of Justice. The most surprising presence, however, was that of Giannis Karantis, ex chief of the Greek Intelligence Service and MP for the ultra-nationalist party LAOS.

Bagis began his speech with a moving opening, stating that he feels proud “to be in the birthplace of Democracy”. In addition, he argued that “today’s event, your presence shows the great potential for the betterment of the relations between the two nations.”

“Turkey and Greece share a common fate and a common future,” the chief negotiator of Turkey added.

The Greek audience responded with satisfaction when Bagis proclaimed that “a new era has started in the relations of the two countries, with the Government of Papandreou willing to build a peaceful future with Turkey.”

The Minister added that during this period, Erdogan’s Government has demolished the taboos of the Turkish Society, by addressing the Kurdish problem and dealing with all the open disputes with Armenia. “It is time to talk to Greece, too.”

The most interesting part of Bagis’s speech, however, was the revelation that Greek Prime Minister, George Papandreou and Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan agreed to the formulation of a co-operation council between the two nations that will discuss at the highest level all the disputes that may arise in the future. In addition, Bagis said that Erdogan plans to visit Athens in the near future.

EU-Turkish Relations

The chief negotiator suggested that accepting Turkey into the European Union would be a win-win situation. The EU will benefit from the role of Turkey as “a bridge between different civilizations, religions and cultures”. In addition he added that Turkey’s bid to join the EU serves as “a source of inspiration for the deprived of the world such as the Muslim community.”

Giannis Ioakeimidis, professor of International Relations at the University of Athens, asked Bagis if Turkey will accept a special status relationship with European Union. Bagis replied that “Turkey is a candidate for full membership of the EU and any alternative is not accepted.”

Moreover, Egemen Bagis argued that “the European Union should prove it wants to be an alliance of civilisations… We will part of the solution and not part of the problem of the EU.”

Cyprus

With regards to Cyprus, the Minister expressed the official view that Turkey will support any solution that is agreed by the leaders of the island’s two sides. Furthermore, he praised the efforts of the two Presidents, Talat and Christofias, and stressed that Greece and Turkey should support the two presidents sooner rather than later. “Their term is limited and we do not know who will govern next. We must help these guys.”

Another interesting point arose from a question raised by a citizen with regard to the presence of the Turkish Army in Cyprus. Bagis said that the Turkish Army protects the safety of the Turk-Cypriots and it will not withdraw unless all the other armies withdrew too.

Quite clearly, there’s still a long way to go.

From a journalistic and more personal perspective, Egemen Bagis’s most interesting moment was when he praised the Greek citizens who contribute to the Turkish newspapers and the Turkish Citizens who contribute to the Greek newspapers.

In conclusion, Bagis left Greece with a strong impression of a political personality committed to peace.

Guest post by Christos Loutradis

Following our coverage of this month’s Greek elections, The Third Estate continues its partnership with Press-Gr, one of the foremost news sites in Greece, by inviting Christos Loutradis to look at the country’s thawing relations with Turkey.

Where a Prime Minister chooses to visit on his or her first trip abroad is often a telling sign of their foreign policy priorities. Interestingly, of all the places he could have gone, newly elected social democrat, George Papandreou, made the decision to visit that old enemy Turkey. Papandreou’s election signals a significant shift in foreign policy from the days of his conservative predecessor. One that is open, tolerant and ‘aggressive’, but, with luck, in a constructive way.

Has Greece finally woken up? This is the central question of the lips of the nation, from leading analysts in political and media circles, to the demos themselves.

Speaking in Istanbul, Papandreou heralded a new beginning in Greece’s policy towards the Cyprus Issue. “We must allow the two communities in Cyprus to solve their disputes solely alone, without depending on other states or international super-powers,” he said. Papandreou’s statement came as he publicly confirmed his pledge to support Turkey’s candidacy for European Union membership, under the condition that Turkey commits to preventing dogfights over the Aegean Sea.

Meanwhile Turkish Prime Minister, Tayyip Erdogan, is trying to foster the public image of a European politician reaching out to his neighbours in an attempt to resolve the ongoing disputes, most notably with Greece and Armenia. Papandreou’s visit is important to this process of conflict resolution, not because anything concrete was agreed but because of the semiotics. And in our modern mass mediated era, semiotics are important in and of themselves.

As for the Greek media, it has lauded the newly elected Prime Minister for choosing Turkey as his first overseas destination, suggesting a new era between the two nations has begun despite the diplomatic woes waiting to be solved.

“The Greeks have realised that Greece and Turkey should live in harmony because friendly relations are the only way to solve all the heated internal problems,” Greek journalist John Papadimitriou told us. “The media just followed society’s preference.”

The pro-government newspaper, Ta Nea, said Papandreou was in favor of dialogue between Ankara and Athens, but added that he would not accept what it called a “rubber check” from Turkey. The conservative newspaper, Kathimerini, said Papandreou’s meeting with the Turkish Prime Minister would have a “positive impact,” and also drew attention to the Greek Prime Minister’s remarks in which he said the European Union should listen to the Turkish people. The leading political website, Zougla, said Papandreou has declared “a new era of diplomacy” just a few days after his election victory.

“Papandreou will continue the friendly approach toward Turkey he pursued in the early 2000s with the efforts of late Turkish Foreign Minister İsmail Cem,” a professor of International Relations at the University of Panteion in Athens, who wished to remain anonymous, told the Daily News. “If he succeeds, the Prime Minister will move forward in solving all of the issues between Greece and Turkey. In my opinion the main problem is the Cyprus issue, which should bother neither Turkey nor Greece,” the professor said.

Another academic specialising in international relations, Alexis Irakleidis, called for a discussion on different approaches regarding the Aegean problem. “The Greek government should understand that President Barack Obama’s foreign policy will not accept Greece as a good guy and Turkey as a bad one. We should sit down and discuss the situation in the Aegean.”

Whatever happens next, this is undoubtedly a positive first step.

Guest post by Christos Loutradis

In The Third Estate’s second collaboration with Press-Gr, one of the biggest news sites in Greece, Christos Loutradis reports on the results of the elections

For me, the most moving moments of an election campaign come with the results. The night of the counting, I was at the studios of the major Greek television channel, Alter. As a journalist covering Sunday’s marathon, I encountered all the strange characteristics of human nature, from hysteria to cupidity and arrogance. As former foreign minister, George Papandreou’s PASOK won a convincing victory with an 11% lead over the incumbent Kostas Karamanlis; it was not a good day to be a conservative commentator in the studio. On the day that New Democracy should have been celebrating its birth, the party found itself mourning its worst defeat in history, gaining only 33.5% of the vote. Meanwhile Nikitas Kaklamanis, Mayor of Athens, found himself venting his frustration at Alter employees in a shocking reaction to the result. PASOK’s newly appointed Minister of Education, Anna Diamantopoulou, on the other hand, was in high spirits, smiling and shaking the hands of the studio staff. I must admit, it was slightly uncomfortable to watch the journalists triumphantly congratulating the successful candidate only a day after deriding the party for its populist strategy.

In Greece, as in the UK, most of the attention goes to the two major centrist parties. The minor parties, for the most part, failed to take advantage of the depth of public disapproval PASOK, and New Democracy in particular, seem to have faced over the last months. Notably, the Greek Communist Party saw its vote fall to 7.4% (from 8.15% in 2007) and it lost two of its 22 seats in Parliament. The Coalition of the Radical Left (Sy.Riz.A), meanwhile, saw its share of the vote slip half a percentage point to 4.5%. Only La.O.S, the ultra-nationalists, managed to take advantage of the collapsing New Democracy to increase their vote from 3.8% to 5.54%.

The huge momentum that Papandreou seems to have found tonight does not, by any means, suggest that he has won the nation’s heart for the next four years. Papandreou, in his first statement, as Prime Minister has acknowledged the difficulties ahead. It is for this reason that the most frequent sentiments expressed during his speech were a ”call for unity” and the ”need for collective work”. Papandreou’s proposals for the control of the public finances and the other reforms needed to rescue Greece from the brink of bankruptcy demand an increasing and dynamic consensus from different parts of the political spectrum.

”We cannot lose a day without working for this nation,” Papandreou said. “I call all the Greeks to unite for our common goal. Our main and only interest is the wellbeing of our citizens”.

The call for unity was unanimous among the PASOK candidates. “We are fully aware that the days ahead us are very, very difficult, but we know how to fight,” Anna Diamantopoulou said.

In Rigilis street, where New Democracy keeps its headquarters are, the mood was very different. After years in the spotlight, Kostas Karamanlis had to come to terms with the loneliness of politics. Seated alone at his press conerence, the former prime minister tried to convince the public that he may have lost the elections, but he believed in his policies.

“Society didn’t agree with my proposals,” he said. “I still believe that my proposals are the only solutions for the financial crisis. However, I accept that today’s loss is 100% my fault. For this reason, I resign as president of New Democracy”.

Dora Bakoyanni, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, and for many the next president of New Democracy, didn’t reply to the flurry of press inquiries as to whether she will run for her party’s top job, but she congratulated Karamanlis for his political courage.

The other two potential candidates, Dimitris Avramopoulos, former Minister of Health and Antonis Samaras, former Minister of Culture, supported ”Karamanlis’s legacy”. Everything remains at stake, however, until the party’s conference 48 days from now. This gives Papandreou six weeks of political freedom to implement his first measures and to send his first messages to Greek society. It’s a dangerous time for the incoming government as public finances face collapse and the market struggles for survival.

But there are signs of hope, especially in the sphere of international relations. It was Papandreou, as foreign minister, who turned his back on the vitriolic rhetoric Greek governments once aimed at their Turkish neighbours. Now, as prime minister, he is prepared to support Turkey’s entry into the European Union, raising hopes of ending one of the last great rivalries in Europe.

Whether Papandreou can meet the lofty expectations of Greece and its neighbours remains to be seen.

Guest post by Christos Loutradis

Hands up, who knew there’s an election in Greece tomorrow? The snap election triggered by unpopular conservative Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis seeking a new mandate for his ailing New Democracy party to tackle the economy has received little coverage in the UK. But is the all but certain victory of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and former foreign minister, George Papandreou a strong sign from the Greeks of a wind of change, or simply a matter of urgency owing to Karamanlis’s inability to deal with the consequences of the financial crisis?

Papandreou and Karamanlis certainly have one thing in common. They are the progeny of two leading political families in Greece. Karamanlis’s uncle, Konstantinos, was the first democratically elected Prime Minister after the fall of the military junta in 1974. Karamanlis junior’s term in office, however, will be forever associated with financial scandal and social unrest. Papandreou, on the other hand, is the son and grandson of past Prime Ministers. His stint as foreign minister between 1999 and 2004 marked the thawing of traditionally frosty relations with Turkey and Albania and the cooling of nationalistic rhetoric.

Despite the establishment background of the two candidates, however, this election offers Greeks an ideological choice between conservatism and social democracy. Papandreou’s proposals to increase corporation tax and social investment have been met with strong criticism from the business community, and from Karamanlis, who accuses his opponent of a suicidal policy that will lead to the total removal of growth from Greece’s economic lexicon.

If American-born Papandreou is elected, he will be the first Greek premier born outside of the country. His heritage has earned him the nickname ‘the American’ in the Greek media, a title that is not wholly undeserved given Papandreou’s borrowing of policies from the Obama campaign, promising greater co-operation with US plans to tackle the global financial crisis and pushing towards a greener economy.

If Karamanlis loses tomorrow, it will owe as much to his failure as to his rival’s success. He was elected in 2004 after twenty years of PASOK dominance with the seemingly simple idea to re-introduce morality into the public political sphere. But the man governed with illusions and was trapped by them, not least the belief that victories in Euro 2004 and the Eurovision song contest could provide answers for the problems that Greece faces. How could he have known, studying International Relations in America, that relations with the US would play such an important part in his political future, or lack thereof.

The elections are still a day away, but Papandreou is already regarded the Prime Minister in waiting. The crucial question that remains will be how a new PASOK government will deal with a rising budget deficit whilst tackling high unemployment. The main dilemma of the upcoming election: can the political elites that have led Greece to the edge of financial collapse formulate a concrete and feasible plan for the country to avoid bankruptcy? Iceland is not, after all, so very far away.